WE-Change

Madam Chair, members of this Committee, fellow presenters and onlookers, good afternoon. We are here today representing Women’s Empowerment for Change (WE -Change) which is a women-led, women’s rights organization committed to increasing the participation of lesbian, bisexual, queer and ally women in social justice advocacy. Our advocacy, actions and projects are aimed at bringing attention to societal issues that impact the quality of life of all  women across Jamaica as well as educating women on their fundamental rights and equipping them with the tools and information needed to advocate within their own spaces. 

If we may, we would like to present to this house a few short stories before we commence with our recommendations. 

“I remember one morning, walking along the sidewalk in Half Way Tree (St Andrew), minding my own business when a man riding on a bicycle reached out his hand and grabbed my breast then rode off.” 

“I was walking towards Half Way Tree from work. Several men were calling me but I ignored them and proceeded on my route. They caught up with me, one said hello, I ignored him and continued on. A couple minutes later, I had turned off the route I looked around and noticed they were driving slowly a few cars behind me. One man shouted, “you feel wi doe, yuh know seh we deh here”. I made another turn and they turned as well, commenting that “if yuh did ansa we, we woulda gi u a ride”. I quickly picked up the pace towards Winchester Road and turned onto the next road before I was able to lose them. I was terrified, completely terrified.”

Beyond the Headlines (BTHPsst) produced a docu-series on catcalling in Jamaica in 2019. Here are a few tweets shared online:

• #BTHPsst #BTHCatcalling driving home at 2am and got pulled over by police. As I handed him my licence he grabs my hand and starts feeling it up talking bout how my hands don’t look like I do housework and asking for my number.

• #BTHPsst #BTHCatcalling walking with my uncle past Pablo’s in my school uniform and a man grabbed my arm and tried pulling me towards him with the usual “wah gwan babes.” I was 13 

• I was dressed in a hoodie and pants walking through Mandeville and the male vendors kept calling me “sadamite.” When I was at UWI my wardrobe was fitted caps, t-shirts, sweats and sneakers and I got abused by taxi men every day.

Anecdotal as these stories are, due to the absence of research and data on street harassment in Jamaica or the wider Caribbean, they reflect a shared experience that most, if not all, Jamaican women endure as an unwarranted and undesired rite of passage from the first sign of puberty. In one of the largest studies ever conducted on street harassment, Cornell University and Hollaback International discovered that the majority of women across the world are street harassed before the age of 17 – for a bit of specificity, 95% of women in Argentina and 81.7% of European women. Can you imagine the local statistics?

The onus to address Sexual Harassment has always fallen on women. The narrative surrounding the issue is deeply entrenched in Jamaica’s Rape Culture which facilitates the harassment of women without legal reprimand. When these issues are brought to the forefront of conversations we are met with the assumption that women are their own harbingers of harassment. We allude to her dress, question her presence in the location and require her to explain how she could allow this to happen. In order to adequately serve women, who are equal citizens, we are in dire need of legislation which will then inform policies that protect women across different spheres. 

Here are our proposed amendments and recommendations:

RECOMMENDATION 1 : INCLUSION OF STREET HARASSMENT IN THE ACT

Our current sexual harassment act pays heavy attention to sexual harassment in the workplace. While necessary, our Act must also reflect the cultural context in which it operates and subsequently provide the requisite protection, and guidance on how to enact a needed shift in this society’s paradigm of the treatment of women. WE-Change, therefore, echoes the sentiments of our colleagues at last week’s hearing to include “street harassment” in this legislation’s definition of sexual harassment, where “street” is an umbrella term for public spaces – transportations/stores/roadways. The Act in its current state elucidates the inappropriateness of sexual harassment within the confines of a workplace and institutions, the process and mechanisms for seeking redress and  the duty-bearers with responsibility to respond to offences. But what of our lives outside of these particular confines? As illustrated in the anecdotes at the start of this presentation, sexual harassment for a majority of Jamaican women is prevalent in public spaces. There remains a void in the legislation that allows for accountability within these spaces, which inevitably ignores the scores of people who are victims of sexual harassment who exist outside of the parameters defined by law. WE understand the difficulty in creating legislation that addresses every possible instance of harassment. However, as legislators, you must strive to design an Act that is comprehensive and in keeping with the realities of those it seeks to govern.  

Further south, the Chilean government in 2019 passed a law that has made “street sexual harassment” a punishable crime with fines and prison terms after recognizing its impact on the lives of women and girls – based on research provided by the Observatory Against Harassment in Chile (2015). On the same continent, Peru recently reformed their sexual harassment legislation by first recognizing sexual harassment as a form of violence, expanding its definition to include behaviours of a sexist nature as well as criminalises “groping and physical contact” in public spaces once done through threat or violence. Buenos Aires, Argentina in 2016 moved to criminalise catcalling with a fine of $1000 pesos. Their law reform has outlawed “direct or indirect comments referring to a person’s body” and “non-consensual physical contact, indecent exposure, public masturbation and pursuing and cornering” and will embark on public education campaigns to sensitise the public on sexual harassment’s dangerous impact. On that note, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) in 2019 initiated a public education campaign in Trinidad and Tobago aimed at exposing street harassment as a form of violence against women in the hopes of reducing its prevalence. WE recommend that this committee look to the above mentioned countries for guidance on how to specifically outlaw and criminalise street harassment.

RECOMMENDATION 2: The Act must explicitly state how to treat with harassment by a ‘third party’. A ‘third party’ can be persons who interact with institutions and businesses such as vendors, clients, and business partners. 

In an increasingly digital world where freelancers are becoming a part of the labour force and non-traditional and working set-ups (such as cafes, videoconferencing and other digital means of communicating) and dynamics are being created, our legislation has to graduate to accompany this rapid change. Additionally, while we are cognizant of the Cybercrimes Act of 2015 and its stipulations, that Act does not make specific references to harassment and further, cyberharassment in a working relationship. Can the committee provide clarification on whether section 2, definition of “worker” subsection C covers this kind of work arrangement – short term worker or consultants? If not, how will the law treat with these kinds of work dynamics?

We need to consider sexual harassment outside of the colleagues/supervisor relationship that the present Act mentions. Employees will have to work closely with clients, customers and partners in and outside the ‘physical’ workplace. A Workplace Sexual Harassment Policy should reflect this and should make sure the reporting channels are known by all staff members. Having regular sexual harassment training with staff members and HR personnels will reassure employees that they should feel comfortable making a complaint about harassment by a third party. Employers can also disseminate the information periodically via their internal communications channel. Statements about not tolerating abuse and harassment of staff should be visibly displayed, using clear language, so third-parties can understand what action the employer will take if they breach it.  

We urge this Committee to move swiftly to include a definition in Section 2 that clearly states who may be classified as a “harasser”. This definition would include third parties. One such definition used by the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission says “the harasser can be the victim’s supervisor, a supervisor in another area, a co-worker, or someone who is not an employee of the employer, such as a client or customer”. 

SHANTAE: RECOMMENDATION 3: The state must design a sexual harassment workplace policy guide or template and mandate that all businesses and institutions utilise this guide to design their policies.

A major issue that has prevented adequate redress for sexual harassment and its eventual elimination in the workplace is understanding what behaviours constitute harassment within the workplace and as such, businesses should be mandated by the government to have a policy in place for workers to reference. The International Labour Organization has sample sexual harassment policies and several “Code of Conduct and Guidelines to Prevent and Address Sexual Harassment in the workplace” that can be enlisted to aid in the creation of a template. While these guides are country specific, the content of the guides can be easily translated to the Jamaican context. It is necessary that the government leads the charge in what a comprehensive sexual harassment policy for the workplace looks like as it will ensure that these policies are harmonious across the board and align with the existing legislation.

In his research “Sexual Harassment and Sexual Harassment Policy in Jamaica: The Absence of a National Sexual Harassment Policy, and the Way Forward”, Paul Bourne found several themes, two of which  spoke to the role of culture on policy, and perception of harassment. The research highlighted that due to the lack of a clear definition of harassment, there is difficulty in implementing frameworks that address the issue. The study also highlighted that in Jamaica’s social context, sexual harassment is difficult to identify because of societal attitute towards women and women’s bodies. In its summary the research postulates that policy surrounding sexual harassment are not effective as a deterrent but rather serve as a back up in the eventuality that sexual harassment occurs. 

In an aim to address Sexual Harassment, The Equal Opportunity Commission of Trinidad and Tobago, created the Guidelines on Sexual Harassment in the workplace publication  in 2018, which serves as a guidebook for employers. The publication dedicates an entire section to mechanisms to prevent sexual harassment and mechanisms that respond to cases of sexual harassment which includes:- grievance procedures, procedures to solve complaints, disciplinary action and protective and remedial action. This publication promotes the use of mechanisms such as communication, training, education, commitment,  and dissemination of information, as the means to introducing and enforcing sexual harassment within the workplace. 

RECOMMENDATION 4:  Consider the inclusion of a section that speaks to stalking with an online sexual harassment component, that complements but is separate from the Cybercrimes Act, 2015. 

Stalking has become more widespread in our culture and many Jamaicans don’t know what to do in the event they are being stalked. Eg One woman on a popular social media site detailed being stalked by a man. When she went to the authorities they expressed that they 

We urge the committee to include a section in the Sexual Harassment Act that defines stalking and outline actions to be taken if one believes they are being stalked. 

Additionally, WE suggest that there also be included in the bill, a category that speaks to cyber/online harassment. According to an EU Wide Survey examining Violence Against Women, 11 % of women have received unwanted, offensive sexually explicit emails or SMS messages, or offending, inappropriate advances on social networking sites (referring to experiences since the age of 15). 

In Section (2) of the Act, while there is mention of a statement being made orally or in writing, there needs to be explicit references which identify the use of technology as a medium for sending unrequested pornographic, sexually suggestive or unwanted lewd material whether graphic or written. The European Institute for Gender Equality establishes that one in ten women have already experienced a form of cyber violence since the age of 15. In their assessment, cyber harassment can take many forms, including but not limited to:

• Unwanted sexually explicit emails, text (or online) messages;
• Inappropriate or offensive advances on social networking websites or internet chat rooms;
• Threats of physical and/or sexual violence by email, text (or online) messages;
• Hate speech, meaning language that denigrates, insults, threatens or targets an individual based on her identity (gender) and other traits (such as sexual orientation or disability).

Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights protects personal information that individuals justifiably expect not to be published without their consent. Legislation needs to represent the reality of this social landscape and by including in our legal framework laws that consider online presence and use of online spaces and electronic communication, we provide protection across a myriad of spaces. 

CONCLUSION

It is time that Jamaica upgrades its current legislation to reflect the changing realities of its society. WE urge this Committee to include robust data collection after the Act is passed to determine the prevalence and nature of sexual harassment in an effort to evaluate the measures presented and an action plan to respond to the findings. Let’s hold successive governments accountable to ensure the Act serves the people. Your responsibility as legislators, which you are acknowledging by being here today, is to respond to the needs of your population, the people you promise to serve . Sexual Harassment in Jamaica is as common as ‘the cold’. This does not mean we accept it as inevitable. This does not mean that we cannot engage in action to create deliberate cultural change. This does not mean that women have to learn to navigate a culture that is toxic and which forces them to navigate their daily lives in fear. We must ensure we are taking precautions to remove this stain from our culture if we intend to follow through on our 2030 Vision of making Jamaica “the place of choice to live, work and raise families”. 

I encourage you to  not be a House with only beautiful speaking but let our actions walk before us. 

WE thank you. 

“So what about the men?!” Is a sentiment that plagues every contemporary feminist who is actively advocating for the dismantlement of patriarchal constructs. Typically it’s said in response to any miniscule advancement that women have made (after centuries of women being subordinated or being shut out of economic and educational opportunities) and typically said by someone who’s not paying attention. This week, WE are looking at how feminism impacts men and boys.

The ultimate goal of a feminist mandate is to uproot the violent system of patriarchy. In advancement of that goal, feminists have done extensive work and research to investigate social norms and to expose them for how detrimental they are for our societies, including men. It was through feminism that we started to question the notion of masculinity and how we constructed it in such a rigid fashion that created emotionally stunted men and, in worse case scenario, violence perpetrators that are incapable of resolving conflict in a healthy way. Feminism has, at the very base of it, advocated that it’s okay for men to cry. Even further, it was feminist activists that fought for men’s right to paternity leaves and for men to be more involved in the lives of their children and their domestic affairs. Now WE won’t labour on how patriarchy relegated women to the home, but WE will point out that women carry the burden of care work ( meaning they wash, cook, clean, feed the children and any elderly relatives that may reside with or is dependent on them, provide emotional support) in the home than men in addition to their income earning jobs. Through the work of feminists, the family dynamic and division of labour in the home is (slowly but surely) being shifted as more and more questions about the harmfulness of genderizing care and domestic work arose.

More importantly, what feminism has done is hold men accountable in a system that praises men for their wrongdoing, rather than punishing them. Now, some men view this is a threat rather than a benefit. However, by critiquing harmful behaviours perpetrated by men, feminists are setting of the next generation of men to be more self-critical and reflective in their actions and stamping out misogyny one generation at a time.

Social Media has become a powerful tool for activism and advocacy for marginalised groups. Both LGBTQ+ and women of colour, more specifically black women, have found strength in numbers and a community that shares their struggle. As a result, they have been able to cause a change in narratives about women and LGBTQ+ people and demand recourse and justice. Welcome to episode 7! We’re talking “New Wave Feminism”.

Look around you. In the news, social media, television programmes, there’s been overwhelming messages about women’s empowerment, the elevation of women into positions of power, women’s reproductive and sexual rights and, perhaps more ubiquitous, sexual harassment. This wave of feminism focuses on these particular topics but enlists the use of media to push these ideas with a particular goal in mind: justice for women. Women holding people who abuse power accountable as well as demanding tangible redress for this abuse. 

As mentioned in the episode, a prominent feature of this wave of feminism is the use of hashtags as an avenue for storytelling, experience sharing and way of demonstrating how exactly long standing systems of oppression affect women’s daily lives. #MeToo, #LifeInLeggings, #SayTheirNames and #YouOkaySis (to name a few) were hashtags used to bring awareness around sexual harassment (including street harassment) but also as a way of demanding justice, starting conversations about bodily autonomy and the tenets of patriarchy that allow men to get away with harassment. Under new wave feminism, digital media has been harnessed and shaped to be a field in which this generation of feminists ideate – basically taking school out of the classroom. 

Also important to new wave feminism is the insistence and re-energization of intersectionality as a way of critiquing. While not new (as you would have noticed from previous episodes), intersectionality has seen an uptick in usage throughout this wave.

Like its predecessors, new wave isn’t without its fair share of critique. It has been criticised for being “slacktivism” which is to say that it exists only in the virtual world as the users who are active online don’t exercise this activism in the real world. Others have blamed it for not having much teeth as it tends to “villainize” individuals rather than conceptualising solutions for overarching systems. It has also been labeled as a predominantly Western and global north iteration that hasn’t created space for the global south.

What do you think about new wave feminism? Has it been useful? Does it need improvement? Share with us! 

Our next episode will look at how feminism helps/impacts men and boys.

If you’ve been following our #FeministLiteracy series (and if you haven’t…what are you doing with your life?) and the work that WE-Change has done over the years, the word “intersectionality” should feel like home: familiar. If you don’t have the pleasure of knowing us for that long, stay tuned as we take a dive into what intersectionality is and how WE have incorporated it into our advocacy and activism.

When Kimberlé Crenshaw enlisted the term, her point of reference was how gender, race and class discrimination overlap for African-American women, shaping their experience before the law. Subsequently, the term became a powerful method of qualitative analysis of how multiple systems of oppression (sexism, racism, homophobia, etc) work in tandem to prevent Black Women from receiving equal opportunities or access to quality education, housing, medical care, you name it. And though the context in which Crenshaw framed her theory is America, this analysis is extremely applicable to Caribbean women and that’s why WE use it to inform how WE design our programmes and go about our advocacy work. 

One of our staple programmes, the Social and Economic Justice programme, was designed based on our understanding of the position in society that queer women occupy that not only shuts them out of economic opportunities, but relegates them social outcasts. Unaccepted. With this in mind, the programme equipped women with information on the ways in which women are economically disadvantaged, unpaid care work but also built the capacity of lesbian, bisexual and trans women to actively participate in advocacy. 

In more recent years it has been associated with existing in multiple social groups and how they work together to construct your identity (for example, Jane is a Black Caribbean trans woman who lives in an inner-city community). But it does go beyond identities or a way to describe multiple identities. Intersectionality allowed Black women to describe how distinctly different their experiences were from White women – who, though they shared the experience of being discriminated based on gender, still had white privilege.

WE hope this was useful in understanding the concept of “intersectionality” (and so will use it correctly in the future lol). Next week WE’ll be at it again talking about Feminism vs Womanism! 

For resources, take a look at the ones linked in our very first blog post in the series: What is Feminism?

For many, “da feminist ting deh” occupies a space on the long list of imported goods and services that wash our pristine shores every day or another aspect of American culture that we mindlessly took on. It’s something unnatural. Not original. A thing “undermining women” and a “threat to civilization”. 

WRONG. 

We explore this in this week’s episode 4 of our feminism literacy project. 

Caribbean women have been practicing Feminism through bodily autonomy, creating spaces for themselves to critique their living and labour conditions and lobbying for greater economic opportunities for centuries. When they weren’t manifesting Feminist praxis, they were theorizing about their life experiences and those of their foremothers, analysing them through Caribbean lenses and locating these analyses in the Caribbean reality. This documentation has lead to the creation of Caribbean Feminism as a valid scholarship and mode of analysis and legitimised the narratives of Caribbean womanhood. Before 1974, the lives of women were effectively erased from the annals of Jamaican history. Dem neva exist. Their work on slave plantations, their lives, experiences and, importantly, their contribution to revolution and liberation were undocumented and excised. But one woman, Lucille Mathurin Mair, wrote her dissertation (now the book “A Historical Study of Women in Jamaica, 1655-1844), which was in and of itself a revolutionary undertaking. Mair’s seminal study characterized Jamaican women as audacious and gave the world its first insight into their daily lives. From her research and writings, we discovered that Jamaican women were natural insurrectionists and developed their own particular styles of resistance. It served as a springboard for wider research into the lives of enslaved Caribbean women which further introduced us to terms like gynecological resistance (*cough*abortions*cough). 

Mair inspired a host of Caribbean women scholars in several fields (Economics, Sociology, History, Development, you name it), to critically look at the lives of women and the systems that need to be changed in order for them to more than thrive but to survive. Women like Judith Wedderburn who, as co-founder of the Association of Development Agencies and economist, was able to deconstruct Jamaica’s debt to the International Monetary Fund to demonstrate the disproportionate impact it had on women and their livelihoods. Remember Tambourine Army? The militant group of women and survivors who took to the streets to protest against violence towards women and the sexual abuse of girls? This movement was a result of the Feminist ancestral energy within us and groundwork that had been laid centuries before us.

So, Feminism in the Caribbean is neither new nor foreign. It has existed in practice for centuries and in theory for decades. WE-Change is a proud product and beneficiary of the Caribbean Feminism. And WE a go keep mek noise and keep mek trouble.

Join us next week as we take a dive into “Intersectional Feminism”. What is it and why we need it? 

Resources:

1. The Relevance of Black Feminist Scholariship: a Caribbean Perspective https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B748GowCTH2meGtsXzBvZlAxc1E/view?usp=sharing 
2. Class, Colour and Contraception: The Politics of Birth Control, 1938-1967 https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VuUNyZM3uc-TDSY8td-vllGAQU9F0TkJ/view?usp=sharing 
3. Homegrown Feminism in the Caribbean https://www.telesurenglish.net/opinion/Homegrown-Feminism-in-the-Caribbean-20160920-0004.html 

If you want to see some of the spiciest hot takes (Translation: uninformed opinions) and the most vitriolic commentaries on the internet, open Twitter dot com and search for “feminists”. Going as far back as 2010 in the digital space, the amplification of hate towards feminist identified people became more insidious. “Bitter”, “man-hating” (you may also notice that the insults have remained woefully…bland), “lonely”, “ugly” are some of the more common descriptors that are levelled not just at feminists, but at the very nature of Feminism and what it was founded on. With the digital space’s virality and penchant for giving a voice to the loudest empty barrels, these particular assumptions manage to remain tethered and synonymous to Feminism. Episode three of the #FeminismLiteracy Series is tackling these myths and assumptions in an attempt to lay them to rest…or at the very least to educate on their fallacy. This blog post, however, instead of looking at the “not all”, will explore the why. Why do these myths and assumptions exist and why do they prevail?

With that said, here are three reasons why these myths and assumptions have managed to find their way to freedom and STAYED:

1. DERAILMENT

 Think of hecklers. Hecklers are known for their disruptive and interruptive behaviour during performances, events, sporting matches, you name it. At their core, they exist to draw attention away from whatever is being centred by using disparaging comments to either spotlight themselves or cause others to question the message, authenticity or credibility of the performer. When hecklers of Feminism and feminists call women/non-binary people “bitter”, “lonely” or “man-hating lesbians”, it is often in an attempt to magnify what they deem as a personal failing to partner with men, in a society that values cisgender heterosexual romantic pairings. If they can prove that the women who espouse Feminism are “undesirable” and have not conformed to what is the cornerstone of our society (🤮), then the message gets discredited and the focus is shifted towards the personal life of the individual feminist.

2. FEAR OF LOSING POWER.

WE’ve mentioned before that a major component of Feminism is to critique systems of power and that includes the people who hold them up. In a society built on hierarchies with people who are invested in maintaining them or aspire to climb their way to the top, a concept like Feminism that calls for its complete destruction incites fear. It’s why men, in particular, are the most vocal detractors. Under Patriarchy, men have and stand to benefit the MOST from it and this is especially true if they’re cisgender, heterosexual, white and from the Global North (think of America, Canada and Western Europe). Promoting and spreading assumptions ensures that their position at the peak of the social, political and economic pyramid remains unchallenged.

3. PLAIN OLD IGNORANCE.

People do not like to read. That’s it. That’s the explanation. 🤷🏾‍♀️

Next week WE take this closer to home! We trace the development of Feminism in the Caribbean, looking at the ways in which Caribbean women have moved women and their needs from margin to center!

Fun fact! There are about 10 different types of onions that exist in the culinary world. True story! There are sweet onions, red onions, shallots and Spanish onions, each of which adds their own distinct flavours, smells and taste to a dish. Each one very different from the other but having the same function. And much like onions, Feminism, as a discipline, theory and school of thought, has several different branches. This week, WE want to expose you to the types of Feminism that have existed throughout time. 

Under the Feminism umbrella, there are several iterations that propose varying responses, solutions and perspectives to the problem that is women’s oppression. In episode two, WE described the more well-known types which are Liberal, Radical, Marxist/Socialist, Black, Eco, New Wave and Caribbean. “You see why you can’t trust this feminiblahblah? Look oomuch kinds deh deh (Look how many there are). Yuh nuh see dem confuse (Don’t you see that they’re confused)?” 

Nah.

The thing is, the different kinds of Feminisms were birthed at unique periods of time as a response to the very particular needs and desires of the women in that era and the discrimination they faced. However, as new knowledge and more critical analyses of women’s lived experiences and the structures (the social, political and economic circumstances/barriers) that prevent them from living, well, their best lives, occurred…a newer, more fitting perspective had to be conceptualised. For example, Black Feminism was created to address the cross-cutting discrimination that African-American women faced by including race as politics in the mix. It was a revolutionary and critical move for Black women who could not find a community among White feminists (*cough*White Feminism*cough*) or Black men who were political activists during the Civil Rights Movement. In the same breath, Caribbean feminists (And feminists from other Global South or formerly colonised nations) had to carve out space for themselves within Feminism to accurately represent their realities. For us, geopolitics, globalization and the impact of colonialism are significant when discussing the unique experiences of Caribbean women and their ability to navigate their home countries and the world. 

So…no. Feminism as theory, politics and discipline is not cOnFuSeD. What it has done, specifically Black and Caribbean Feminism (WE make no apologies about where WE fall), is allowed us space and a base for which to constantly critique institutions, even the different Feminist leanings, and to constantly insert ourselves and our communities into the conversation. Marxist Feminists asked us to look beyond the individualism promoted by Liberal Feminists toward women’s labour under a capitalist structure. Black Feminists asked us to critique our societies through race, gender, class and sexuality lenses and Caribbean and Global South Feminists asked us to include colonialism and globalization inna the pot!

Stay with us where next week WE tackle the myths around Feminism!

 Resources:

1. For a quick read: http://www.gender.cawater-info.net/knowledge_base/rubricator/feminism_e.htm
2. For a deeper read: “The Variety of Feminism and their Contribution to Gender Equality” http://oops.uni-oldenburg.de/1269/1/ur97.pdf
3. Defining Black Feminist Thought by Patricia Hill Collins http://www.feministezine.com/feminist/modern/Defining-Black-Feminist-Thought.html